Pritzker’s Power Move Pays Off

Pritzker’s winning hand
JB Pritzker bet big — and won.

Illinois Lt. Gov Juliana Stratton won the Democratic primary for U.S. Senate on Tuesday, a big victory for Pritzker, her boss and longtime political patron. As I wrote a couple of weeks back, Pritzker spent millions of his own money to seed the super PAC that kept Stratton afloat — to the point she likely would have been toast without the ad support it provided. Per the New York Times, more than two-thirds of the $56 million in ad spending in the primary was on behalf of her chief primary opponent, Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi. He ran $29 million in ads, while Fairshake, a pro-cryptocurrency PAC backing Krishnamoorthi, provided another $9 million. Of the $16 million in ads supporting Stratton, around $11 million were run by Pritzker’s super PAC.

Given those numbers, it’s hard to argue with the conclusion that Pritzker provided the crucial difference in the race. It’s a major flex of his political power as he heads into a likely third term — he won his own primary on Tuesday and will face the same far-right nominee he defeated in 2022. It also brings both direct and indirect benefits for his likely 2028 presidential campaign. Stratton, who is set to be just the ninth Black person popularly elected to the U.S. Senate, would be a likely endorser for Pritzker in a race that could hinge on Black voters’ verdict. 

The efforts on Stratton’s behalf did rankle the Congressional Black Caucus, which backed one of its own, Rep. Robin Kelly, and was not shy about expressing its displeasure with Pritzker. But Kelly’s placement — she finished in third, more than 20 points behind — makes any lingering resentment hard to justify. More broadly, Stratton’s victory highlights one way the 2028 primary contest will differ from 2020. In that cycle, only two Black Democrats were serving in the Senate, and both ran for president — helping heighten the influence of endorsements from long-tenured CBC House members. By 2028, there will be at least five Black Democratic senators, all of whom may choose not to run, adding a major new variable to the fight for Black voters.

The context in which Pritzker deployed his wealth also matters. While he would have spent the money on Stratton’s behalf no matter what, the entrance of groups like Fairshake allows a reframing — that he used his money to battle special interests, and won. That narrative is, at least from conversations I’ve had with a couple operatives and party figures, probably something he would lean on in a 2028 campaign. It’s also at the core of his appeal to those who like him now. One operative with ties to Illinois, who professed to “love” Pritzker, described his appeal as an “old-school party boss.” That image, certainly helped by his physical presentation, so far is most appealing to people who work in Democratic politics. But it’s one that Democratic voters might respond to after a 2026 cycle in which an avalanche of special interest and super PAC money is poised to swamp key races.

One thing I’ll be looking at in the coming months: How Gretchen Whitmer’s posture towards her state’s three-way, Democratic primary for Senate. I’ve been hearing rumors in recent weeks that Whitmer will at some point wade in to back state Sen. Mallory McMorrow, who is running as the Goldilocks candidate between moderate Rep. Haley Stevens and progressive Abdul El-Sayed. That could well be spin from McMorrow backers. Whitmer would be taking a real risk, putting her political power and legacy on the line — but as Pritzker showed, it can really pay off.

Spanberger’s looming choices
Abigail Spanberger's governorship is just over two months old. The new laws are already starting to pile up. 

Armed with an expanded majority in the state House, Virginia Democrats have passed a bevy of liberal legislation, setting Spanberger up for some key decisions in the coming weeks. Among the laws sitting on Spanberger’s desk or on their way:

One person who helped shepherd one of those bills through the General Assembly said they doubted Spanberger would issue many vetoes. But Spanberger still has an independent streak, and it’s likely a question of when, rather than whether, she’ll want to create some distance between herself and her party.  

Blue state building
Tahra Hoops at The Rebuild has a piece summarizing recent movement among Democratic governors towards expediting permitting and construction. One thing mentioned is New York’s “Let Them Build Campaign,” a program Kathy Hochul has put a lot of capital into pushing recently. One marker of how she and other Democrats are beginning to see this kind of posture as a political winner: I, a New York resident, have received ads touting the program on Spotify, YouTube, Peacock, and the Subway. 

One final thing: Trump, Newsom, and dyslexia
On Monday, President Trump argued that Gavin Newsom cannot become president because of his dyslexia. The phrasing left little ambiguity about his meaning. From CNN:

“We have a low-IQ person, you know, because Gavin Newscum has admitted that he is a — that he has learning disabilities,” Trump, using a nickname he’s coined to refer to Newsom, told reporters in the Oval Office Monday. “Honestly, I’m all for people with learning disabilities, but not for my president.”

CNN notes that Trump has talked about Newsom’s dyslexia four times over the past week. Several advocates for people with special needs, including the International Dyslexia Association and the National Center for Learning Disabilities, condemned the remarks. The comments set both Newsom and his wife, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, up for some viral responses — together, their posts on Instagram racked up more than 600,000 likes.

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